This is different from, if not more potentially dangerous than, the petrifaction of cultural modes into a caste system.9. To begin with it is culturally Christian. Its inherent purpose is to liberate individuals from constraints of tradition, social structure, and cultural context. This is particularly upsetting when places like Berkeley have gay "coming out parties" in the public school for elementary school students. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Thus it should come as no surprise that members of the Christian community, the vast majority of members of a Christian society who neither rule nor spend large amounts of time in religious or other refined contemplation, have their Christianity “almost wholly realized in behaviour: both in their customary and periodic religious observances, and in a traditional code of behaviour towards their neighbours” (CC, 23). . This Eliot rejects as impossible, as he rejects the invitation to specify concrete reforms to current social structures that might make them less hostile toward Christian conduct. Your donation to the Institute in support of The Imaginative Conservative is tax deductible to the extent allowed by law. One indication of this fact may be found in Eliot’s sharing the honor, with only Dryden and Johnson, of having an era of literature named after him in 2. [10]This was precisely the problem Eliot pointed to in the England of his day, of a “neutral” state concerned only with its own end of civil peace. Only a Christian culture could have produced a Voltaire or a Nietzsche. T. S. Eliot, like his sometime sparing partner and fellow Anglican C. S. Lewis, just demands and captures our complete attention to every fine detail of this written two part and many colored symphony. A timeless classic. But it cannot be allowed to undermine or even distract from that loyalty.The separation of church from state authority was critical to the formation of Western civilization, culture, and constitutional government. While it may be difficult to reestablish a church, it is also very difficult to dethrone a government institutional policy designed to bludgeon children into any sort of secular idea, whether they understand it or not. You must wait for the grass to grow to feed the sheep to give the wool out of which your new coat will be made. [7] Harold Berman has argued that the rise of respect for the individual person and his or her rights is intimately bound up with the existence of a multiplicity of jurisdictions—ecclesiastical, royal, baronial, merchant, and so on—which provided competition and friction among authorities.
The effect on the mind of the people of the visible and dramatic withdrawal of the church from the affairs of the nation—the church’s abandonment of all those who are not by their wholehearted profession within the fold—this is incalculable; the risks are so great that such an act can be nothing but a desperate measure. He is describing in glowing terms the Anglican emphasis on cooperating but distinct national churches, as well as the cultivated tolerance of significant variation of belief and practice within the Anglican church itself.It seems appropriate at this point to examine more closely Eliot’s views on Anglicanism so that we may assess their implications for religious culture and church-state relations. It is a society that promotes a particular way of life—a Christian way of life.In this context we may understand Eliot’s sketch of the “idea” of a Christian society as one methodologically as well as substantively opposed to the kinds of prescriptive tracts we have come to expect from political philosophers.
Like classes, regional cultures energize and enrich the national culture by their competitive engagement. What is more, even those opposed to a given religious or cultural practice or institution must engage it from within its cultural framework.Ignorance is common regarding the origins of the framework of institutions, beliefs, and practices within which we live.
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